“The head-to-head polling doesn’t really tell us much about events 18 months in the future, but it does tell us there’s no counterintuitive process whereby Trump secures the votes of tons of people who say he’s doing a bad job as president… The public is mostly saying they want to vote for any Democrat, and the strongest pattern so far indicates better-known Democrats do better than the more obscure ones… Rather than being either complacent or paralyzed by fear, Democrats should probably take a modest amount of reassurance from Trump’s bad polls and try worrying about everything else for a minute.”
Matthew Yglesias, Vox

Many argue that, “Biden is wrong to imply that if only Trump is gone, Republicans in Congress will immediately negotiate with a Democratic president in good faith. In fact, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) brags that he will continue to be the ‘grim reaper’ and destroy any legislation from a Democratic president, while promising to further pack the Supreme Court if a vacancy arises during an election year… Biden and Democratic candidates for the presidency, House and Senate should run against the hugely unpopular ‘grim reaper’ McConnell and the Trump Republicans in Washington.”
Brent Budowsky, The Hill

“Does Biden believe in his own powers of persuasion? Or is he attempting to woo prized Obama-to-Trump voters, not to mention upscale white suburbanites reported to be appalled by Trump’s behavior?... But there’s another crowd this stuff appeals to as well, a group that would rather not discuss the economic issues that contributed to Trump’s victory. That would be the donor class of the Democratic Party…

“There’s lots of evidence to suggest that Biden really does think he brings unique skills at bipartisanship to the presidential table. He did make deals with the Republicans aplenty in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. But they were deals like the Hyde Amendment and bankruptcy ‘reform’ that made life harder for people in financial trouble or struggling with student debt, though not for the wealthiest. If members of the Democratic donor class are putting their faith in Biden, it’s hard to blame them. The real question is whether voters will continue to support Biden as it becomes clearer and clearer that his promise of bipartisanship is simply another, more politically palatable way of saying that the rich will continue to come first.”
Helaine Olen, Washington Post

Regarding Buttigieg’s speech, some argue, “He is an heir to Obama’s cautious and intellectual worldview—except that while Obama was, at heart, a realist influenced by the writings of Reinhold Niebuhr and the actions of Brent Scowcroft, Buttigieg is more motivated by values. Buttigieg is, at heart, a liberal internationalist who is looking beyond interventions to challenges posed by great powers, bridging the gap between the Obama and Clinton wings of his party. He fears that, left untended, threats to liberty abroad will ultimately threaten liberty at home. Buttigieg still has a lot of work to do to unpack what this means, but if he sticks to it and is bolder than he was on Tuesday, he may be able to articulate the alternative he promised.”
Thomas Wright, The Atlantic

Others contend, “Buttigieg wants to set a generous narrative of national identity against Trump’s cramped and cruel vision, and against the progressive hostility to any national identity at all. It won’t be easy. He speaks of the compassion of his Indiana neighbors toward refugees, their desire to be part of ‘a greater project’ than just America First. But the strongest political emotions of the moment are fear, disillusionment, and hatred. As impressive as he is personally, Buttigieg hasn’t yet found the words, the music, and the policies to make his appeal convincing.”
George Packer, The Atlantic